Entries by Admin

Are Political Parties Still Important? And Issues for the Future

Are political parties still important?

Political parties are still important because they remain – transactionally, but not relationally – the central vehicle through which ideological and political intent is exercised and measured. They exist to find, develop, fund and get elected winnable incumbents and challengers. They raise money and organize conventions, rallies, and various media platforms. The elected leaders who represent the two major political parties in government are the instruments through which legislatively relevant political will is advanced and/or repressed.

Liberty and Justice for All

Party Pessimism

It was with great appreciation that I found myself reading and re-reading Angela Cowser’s first two essays. Her pessimism about political parties in the U.S. comes through loud and clear.

  • Because of the way campaigns and parties are funded, I’ve little hope for voluntary structural change.”
  • Transcending Ideologies – Should they – yes, especially as it relates to poverty and poor people. Will they? No.
  • As they are currently structured, political parties are not the answer to teaching good citizenship practices and deepening grassroots democracy.
  • After election day, partisans have little use for voters.

It is refreshing to see in print what I often hear in the community!

Expecting Too Much and Too Little of the Parties

In her latest post, Angela Cowser describes some familiar ways that churches and other faith-based networks (hereafter I’ll often refer to those groups collectively as “the church”) have organized and mobilized people to do justice in their communities. She also highlights the reverse: serving a community can be a profound blessing to the church. Community engagement – participating together “at the grassroots” – forms Christians for faithful discipleship, including their motives and dispositions as good democratic citizens. Hence the relationship of the church and the broader community is richly reciprocal. It combines attention to felt needs with a formative spirituality and a public witness to shalom.

In comparison to the church, Cowser invites us to consider political parties as another site for organization, mobilization, and formation. Here the portrait is less flattering. Parties, in Cowser’s view, “do not build democratic practices and good citizens; they develop ideologues, partisans and party operatives and apparatchiks.” She goes on to decry the electoral competition in “gerrymandered districts where outcomes are predetermined,” which “diminishes healthy conversation” and “increase[s] tribalism that stifles democratic practices of deep listening” across lines of difference.  

In Defense of Parties, and In Choosing the More Limited One

“So, Doug, who are you really rooting for in the game tonight?”  It seems as though I am asked this particularly annoying question often, as there is always another Hope College-Calvin College athletic contest on the horizon.  Given that I am both an unashamed alumnus of Hope and a voluntary employee of Calvin, my condition apparently presents to some an unresolvable moral dilemma.

My latest answers to such inquiries are a mix of “if that is a serious question, your God is too small,” or “I have friends at both places, and I always support my friends.” Although often asked in jest, questions about my Hope-Calvin loyalty irritate me, and I think for fundamentally the same reason as excessive partisanship between Republicans and Democrats irritates me: there is far more to life than this. I watch college sporting events to remember how difficult it is to achieve excellence in team sports in a heated competition before a boisterous crowd, and to appreciate when it is successfully accomplished. Often, Hope-Calvin contests illustrate that; I leave satisfied when the best team on that day won a well-played contest “fair and square.” And then I try to move on to something important.

To Renew Grassroots Democracy is to Renew the Church

In this essay I argue that renewing grassroots democracy (not political parties) will also renew the Church. I’ll substantiate this argument by briefly outlining 1/ the purpose of political parties, 2/the purpose of religion and of Christianity; 4/what I mean by grassroots democracy, and 5/end with how the renewal of grassroots democracy can and is renewing (some) congregational life in America.


The Purpose of Political Parties in America

As I understand it, the purpose of political parties in America – Democratic, Republican, Green and Constitution -is 1/to raise money to fund local, regional, state, and national campaigns to elective office; 2/to choose Presidential nominees; 3/to promote winning candidates for elections; 4/to organize and execute voter turnout or voter turnout suppression; 5/to win elections; in 2012, the average cost of a House race was $1.7 million and of a Senate race was $10.5 million, with minimum-maximum costs ranging from $110,000 (American Samoa) to $42 million (Massachusetts).

Vote for Us! They’re Evil, and We’re Merely Incompetent!

In some of the workplace settings where I have been employed, one of the professional development tools taken by employees has been the Clifton “StrengthsFinder” assessment.  It is one of many more-or-less sophisticated tools that companies use to identify each individual employee’s working style and preferences. The main idea of tools such as this is usually to identify and build on those work preferences, and to respect those of others, in order to enhance company performance. 

Many of these tools provide some insight, and most of the time the hours spent on them seem worthwhile.  My leading StrengthsFinder strength is Individualization.  In brief, people strong on Individualization intentionally take people one at a time, and resist putting people in boxes or categories because such generalization and labeling reduces artificially and harmfully the complexity of each individual and unique human being. To these Individualizers, to categorize folks is to disrespect their individuality, which is far more complex than even a long list of socioeconomic and demographic boxes. Individualization advocates, when they are part of a work group, are likely to be good at figuring out how people who are different from each other work together productively, as they believe differences and individuality are strengths to be encouraged even on a tightly knit and production-oriented team. 

The Symbolic Politics of the Parties

 Doug Koopman presents a dilemma facing the GOP: “take new steps and adopt quite different trade and infrastructure ideas of the Trump agenda, or try to keep Trump voters attached to the party by more symbolic, and problematic, means.” The first horn of the dilemma entails ideological capitulation, at least in key areas of economic policy (both international and domestic). In recent decades (though not always), Republicans have championed free trade and muscular international engagement abroad and domestic spending cuts, deregulation, and deference to states. The problem for Republicans is that some of those commitments are in tension with President Trump’s asserted goals. The second horn of the dilemma moves from the ideological to the “symbolic,” by which I take Doug to mean the party’s use of cultural cues to distinguish “true” GOP stalwarts from RINOs (Republicans in Name Only). The idea of symbolic politics is that citizens join with others in political groups based on markers of identity (e.g., class, race, gender, religion), rather than substantive agreement over ideology or policy (though the symbolic and substantive may converge).

More Stories Along the Way….

With such articulate partners (who are also acquaintances) in this political conversation, it’s hard to know where to begin my response. There is so much food for thought. Thank you!

Diverging on Sphere Sovereignty

I’ll begin by recognizing the degree to which I was struck by the similarity between Doug Koopman’s and my experiences in our early years. Particularly surprising was the shared influence of the concept of sphere sovereignty on our thinking. Where I suspect we differ may be related to the influence of the concept of “subsidiarity” on his thinking. I admit that I was unfamiliar with the notion and had to do some research. I recognize a danger in speaking about it with minimal background. However, what I have been able to discover about subsidiarity seems to substantiate what I think may have helped land Doug and I in different political camps.

A Reformation Model for Church and Political Party

I write as a middle class, African American female professional scholar and Minister of Word and Sacrament (Presbyterian Church USA) who has devoted her life to the propagation of a Christian gospel that is rooted absolutely in the richness of Hebrew and Greek notions of justice, in Jesus’ call for all people, groups, and nations to repent (metanoia – to turning around, reversing course), and to full financial and educational reparations for the sociopathic, anti-social, evil foundations upon which this nation was founded, and upon whose poisonous roots upon it continues to enrich itself today. I also write as a former community organizer with the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) affiliate – Tying Nashville Together – which did its good work from 1991-2009 in Nashville, Tennessee.

This essay is informed by reflection upon racial, gender, and class discriminations which I have suffered through, the (successful) struggle to become an educated, informed citizen of the United States, and most importantly, to respond to the high call on my whole life of discipleship in Jesus Christ – in this life and the next.  I will take each of the leading questions posed, answer them forthrightly as I see things. The vernacular is straightforward, in plain language, in hope of clarity of argument and rich discussion and counterpoints.

 

Republicans Today: The Choice Their Leaders Face

In this kick-off conversation for 2018, I am asked to comment sympathetically on the current Republican Party in the United States of America. As one who in partisan elections frequently votes for GOP candidates and who for nearly forty years has worked or volunteered with Republicans, I seem a likely suspect.  I am pleased to take up this obligation, perhaps particularly now one year into the presidency of someone who only recently identified with the party, and whose primary voters nominated him against the considered judgement of nearly all the established party leadership.  One year into the presidency and after making progress on some traditional GOP issues, the party establishment has to decide whether to take new steps and adopt quite different trade and infrastructure ideas of the Trump agenda, or try to keep Trump voters attached to the party by more symbolic, and problematic, means.